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American Corrections11th EditionMichael D. Reisig, Todd R. Clear 160 solutions Criminal Justice in America9th EditionChristina Dejong, Christopher E. Smith, George F Cole 105 solutions Question 4 (5 points) Question 4 Unsaved The quote below was written by a prominent figure in 1889: "While the law [of competition] may be sometimes hard for the individual, it is best for the race, because it insures the survival of the fittest in every department. We accept and welcome, therefore, as conditions to which we must accommodate ourselves, great inequality of environment, the concentration of business, industrial and commercial, in the hands of a few, and the law of competition between these, as being not only beneficial, but essential for the future progress of the race." Proponents of the philosophy represented by this quote believed in (5 points) Question 4 options: 1) limited government intervention in the economy 2) government assistance for those in poverty 3) governmental control of utilities and transportation 4) equal opportunities for foreign and native-born workers Question 14 (5 points) Question 14 Unsaved "Sec. 6. That upon the completion of said allotments and the patenting of the lands to said allottees, each and every member of the respective bands or tribes of Indians to whom allotments have been made shall have the benefit of and be subject to the laws, both civil and criminal, of the State or Territory in which they may reside; ... And every Indian born within the territorial limits of the United States to whom allotments shall have been made under the provisions of this act, or under any law or treaty, and every Indian born within the territorial limits of the United States who has voluntarily taken up, within said limits, his residence separate and apart from any tribe of Indians therein, and has adopted the habits of civilized life, is hereby declared to be a citizen of the United States, and is entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of such citizens."—From the Dawes Act, 1887 How does the policy instituted in this law contrast with previous American Indian policies? (5 points) Question 14 options: 1) It defers to the Supreme Court to resolve matters of American Indians' citizenship and rights. 2) It encourages American Indians to assimilate and adopt U.S. citizenship. 3) It recognizes the American Indians' claims as sovereign entities. 4) It provides material support as long as American Indians remain in designated locations. The quote below was written by a prominent figure in 1889: "Sec. 6. That upon the completion of said allotments and the patenting of the lands to said allottees, each and every member of the respective bands or tribes of
Indians to whom allotments have been made shall have the benefit of and be subject to the laws, both civil and criminal, of the State or Territory in which they may reside; ... And every Indian born within the territorial limits of the United States to whom allotments shall have been made under the provisions of this act, or under any law or treaty, and every Indian born within the territorial limits of the United States who has voluntarily taken up, within said limits, his residence separate
and apart from any tribe of Indians therein, and has adopted the habits of civilized life, is hereby declared to be a citizen of the United States, and is entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of such citizens."—From the Dawes Act, 1887 The quote below was written by a prominent figure in 1889: "We understand that when Lincoln signed the emancipation proclamation, your victory was assured, for he then committed you to the cause of human liberty, against which the arms of man cannot prevail—while those of our statesmen who trusted to make slavery the corner-stone of the Confederacy doomed us to defeat as far as they could, committing us to a cause that reason could not defend or the sword maintain in sight of advancing civilization
... The old South rested everything on slavery and agriculture, unconscious that these could neither give nor maintain healthy growth. The new South presents a perfect democracy, the oligarchs leading in the popular movement—a social system compact and closely knitted, less splendid on the surface, but stronger at the core ... The new South is ... thrilling with the consciousness of growing power and prosperity. As she stands upright, full statured and equal among the people of the earth,
breathing the keen air and looking out upon the expanded horizon, she understands that her emancipation came because through the inscrutable wisdom of God her honest purpose was crossed, and her brave armies were beaten."—Henry Grady, from The New South, 1886 "EVERYBODY is talkin' these days about Tammany men growin' rich on graft, but nobody thinks of
drawin' the distinction between honest graft and dishonest graft. There's all the difference in the world between the two. Yes, many of our men have grown rich in politics. I have myself. I've made a big fortune out of the game, and I'm gettin' richer every day, but I've not gone in for dishonest graft—blackmailin' gamblers, saloonkeepers, disorderly people, etc.—and neither has any of the men who have made big fortunes in politics ... There's an honest graft, and I'm an example of how it works.
I might sum up the whole thing by sayin': 'I seen my opportunities and I took 'em.' Just let me explain by examples. My party's in power in the city, and it's goin' to undertake a lot of public improvements. Well, I'm tipped off, say, that they're going to lay out a park at a certain place. I see my opportunity and I take it. I go to that place and I buy up all the land I can in the neighborhood. Then the board of this or that makes its plan public, and there is a rush to get my land, which
nobody cared particular for before. Ain't it perfectly honest to charge a good price and make a profit on my investment and foresight? Of course, it is. Well, that's honest graft."—George W. Plunkitt, from A Defense of Political Graft, 1905 "EVERYBODY is talkin' these days about Tammany men growin' rich on graft, but nobody thinks of drawin' the distinction between honest graft and
dishonest graft. There's all the difference in the world between the two. Yes, many of our men have grown rich in politics. I have myself. I've made a big fortune out of the game, and I'm gettin' richer every day, but I've not gone in for dishonest graft—blackmailin' gamblers, saloonkeepers, disorderly people, etc.—and neither has any of the men who have made big fortunes in politics ... There's an honest graft, and I'm an example of how it works. I might sum up the whole thing by sayin': 'I
seen my opportunities and I took 'em.' Just let me explain by examples. My party's in power in the city, and it's goin' to undertake a lot of public improvements. Well, I'm tipped off, say, that they're going to lay out a park at a certain place. I see my opportunity and I take it. I go to that place and I buy up all the land I can in the neighborhood. Then the board of this or that makes its plan public, and there is a rush to get my land, which nobody cared particular for before. Ain't it
perfectly honest to charge a good price and make a profit on my investment and foresight? Of course, it is. Well, that's honest graft."—George W. Plunkitt, from A Defense of Political Graft, 1905 "One of the chief incentives for the present activity of the Department of Justice against the 'Reds' has been the hope that American citizens will, themselves, become
voluntary agents for us, in a vast organization for mutual defense against the sinister agitation of men and women aliens, who appear to be either in the pay or under the spell of Trotzky and Lenine [sic] ... The Department of Justice will pursue the attack of the 'Reds' upon the Government of the United States with vigilance, and no alien, advocating the overthrow of existing law and order in this country, shall escape arrest and prompt deportation. It is my belief that while they have stirred
discontent in our midst, while they have caused irritating strikes, and while they have infected our social idea with disease of their own minds and their unclean morals, we can get rid of them! And not until we have done so shall we have removed the menace of Bolshevism for good and not to people migrating from Asia." —A. Mitchell Palmer, from "The Case Against the Reds," 1920 "At
the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon
terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way."—From the Truman Doctrine, 1947 "You must understand—I must make you understand—that our membership and the hopes and aspirations of the hundreds of thousands of the poor and dispossessed that have been raised on our account are, above all, human beings, no better and no worse than any other cross-section of human society; we are not saints because we are poor, but by the same measure neither are we immoral. We are men and women who have suffered and endured much, and not only
because of our abject poverty but because we have been kept poor. The colors of our skins, the languages of our cultural and native origins, the lack of formal education, the exclusion from the democratic process, the numbers of our slain in recent wars—all these burdens generation after generation have sought to demoralize us, to break our human spirit. But God knows that we are not beasts of burden, agricultural implements, or rented slaves; we are men ... We advocate militant nonviolence as
our means for social revolution and to achieve justice for our people, but we are not blind or deaf to the desperate and moody winds of human frustration, impatience and rage that blow among us ... We hate the agribusiness system that seeks to keep us enslaved, and we shall overcome and change it not by retaliation or bloodshed but by a determined nonviolent struggle carried on by those masses of farm workers who intended to be free and human."—Cesar Chavez, from his "Letter from Delano,"
1969 "But freedom is not enough ... It is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates. This is the next and the more profound stage of the battle for civil rights. We seek not just freedom but opportunity. We seek not just legal equality but human ability, not just equality as a right and a theory but equality as a fact and equality as a result.
For the task is to give 20 million Negroes the same chance as every other American to learn and grow, to work and share in society, to develop their abilities—physical, mental and spiritual, and to pursue their individual happiness. To this end equal opportunity is essential but not enough, not enough. Men and women of all races are born with the same range of abilities. But ability is not just the product of birth. Ability is stretched or stunted by the family that you live with, and the
neighborhood you live in—by the school you go to and the poverty or the richness of your surroundings. It is the product of a hundred unseen forces playing upon the little infant, the child, and finally the man."—Lyndon Johnson, from his "Commencement Address at Howard University," 1965 "Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part
of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers ... In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: 'We will bury you.' But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of
the most basic kind—too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself. After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor ... As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner:
'This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality.' Yes, across Europe, this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall cannot withstand freedom."—Ronald Reagan, from his "Tear Down this Wall" speech, 1987 "For the last 20 years, in all the wealthy countries of the world—because of changes in the global environment, because of the growth of
technology, because of increasing competition—the middle class that was created and enlarged by the wise policies of expanding trade at the end of World War II has been under severe stress. Most Americans are working harder for less. They are vulnerable to the fear tactics and the averseness to change that are behind much of the opposition to NAFTA. But I want to say to my fellow Americans, when you live in a time of change the only way to recover your security and to broaden your horizons is to
adapt to the change—to embrace it, to move forward ... The only way we can recover the fortunes of the middle class in this country so that people who work harder and smarter can at least prosper more, the only way we can pass on the American dream of the last 40 years to our children and their children for the next 40, is to adapt to the changes which are occurring. In a fundamental sense, this debate about NAFTA is a debate about whether we will embrace these changes and create the jobs of
tomorrow, or try to resist these changes, hoping we can preserve the economic structures of yesterday ... I believe that NAFTA will create 1 million jobs in the first 5 years of its impact ... NAFTA will generate these jobs by fostering an export boom to Mexico by tearing down tariff walls ... There will be no job loss."—Bill Clinton, from his "Speech on Signing of NAFTA," 1993 How did political bosses gain and maintain power?Bosses may base their power on the support of numerous voters, usually organized voting blocs, and manage a coalition of these blocs and various other stakeholders. When the party wins, they typically control appointments in their unit, and have a voice at the higher levels.
Which statement explains how political bosses were able to gain and maintain power 2 points?Which statement explains how political bosses were able to gain and maintain power? They gave help to people on the local level in return for their votes.
How did political bosses of the 19th century work to gain political power?During the late 1800s, city bosses commonly assumed control over city governments. They did not gain power legally, and the bosses were not elected to office. They used blackmail and bribery to convince legal city officials to grant favors to and to follow the wishes of the city bosses.
How did political bosses control cities?At the turn of the 20th century, many U.S. cities were run by collections of self-serving political machines. These organizations controlled access to political power by rigging votes, buying people's loyalty — and their ballots.
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Which statement explains how political bosses were able to gain and maintain power quizlet?
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