As described by your book, these are acts committed by or between individual consenting adults:

Exhibitionism

Exhibitionism refers to sexual arousal achieved from showing others one's own genitals, or from sex acts (e.g., masturbation, oral sex, vaginal sex, and anal sex) committed in front of an audience, often in public. Despite the research on female sexual fantasies, which revealed exhibitionism rates high among females’ fantasies, definitions have tended to associate exhibitionism with males exposing themselves to females for the purposes of eliciting shock or embarrassment. Money (1988, pp. 78–79) explains that females often engage in exhibitionism:

As an act of paraphilic exhibitionism, a woman may display her genitals in public if she wears no panties and, with a short skirt, sit so as to expose the pudenda. Another possibility is to arrange to copulate in a park or other public place to attract onlookers, and to assume a position that allows display of the genitalia.

Men to whom a female exhibits usually do not take offense and do not call the police, whereas the reverse is far more likely to be true in the case of the male exhibitionist.

Money goes on to explain that exhibitionism is a highly individual and idiosyncratic ritual behavior, and not a precursor to rape.

The motives for exhibitionism range from sexual attention seeking, to a desire to shock, to satisfying masochistic desires for self-humiliation, and even to demonstrating sexual ownership and submission. In such cases, sexual arousal is strongly associated with achieving the exposure of one's body, and, in fewer cases, with performing public sex acts. However, acts of “public” exhibitionism have become more common; the Internet is rife with Web sites dedicated to those who wish to post images and video of themselves engaged in various stages of undress and explicit sex acts. Special categories include things like public flashing, public sex in bathrooms and changing rooms, and reflections from the bathroom mirror.

Exhibitionism is deviant in that it plays against established social conventions relating to sexual privacy and discretion. However, it only becomes a full-blown paraphilia when it begins to interfere with quality of life, normal and routine functioning, or the ability to achieve and maintain intimate relationships.

The Impact of Sexual Experience on PPG Evaluations

While PPG represents a major tool into laboratory research on the parameters of sexual arousal and behavior, the main utility of plethysmographic assessments concerns its clinical applications, most notably with sexual offenders (e.g., those suspected or convicted of child molestation, rape, or exhibitionism) or who seek treatment for a sexual disorder (e.g., a fetish). During the assessment, the subject’s penile tumescence is continuously recorded while he is presented a number of different stimuli representing several categories of sexual interest. The subject’s maximum change in penile circumference during each stimulus category is then converted into a standardized score or percentage of full erection (Barbaree & Mewhort, 1994; Earls, Quinsey, & Castonguay, 1987; Laws, 2003). Comparisons of relative patterns of sexual arousal for the person being evaluated (so-called ipastive comparisons) are then made in order to quantify within each subject his relative patterns of sexual arousal. The PPG analysis rests on the central assumption that the category or categories which elicited the greatest arousal during stimulus presentations are that person’s sexual preferences. So, then, what implication does the quantification of relative patterns of sexual arousal via PPG administration have for sexual behavior, including sexually offensive behavior in adolescents and adults?

What is a Sex Crime?

The term sex crime generally refers to any confluence of criminal and sexual acts. In some cases, sexual activity is inherently criminal, such as that involving a lack of consent. In other cases, sexual activity occurs between “consenting” parties but still involves a crime, as with prostitution. As explained in Torres and van der Walt (2009, p. 450), “the law not only defines who can be a ‘victim’ of sexual assault, but also which specific sexual behaviors can be criminalized, even between consenting adults.” Consider the description provided in Griffin and West (2006, pp. 143–144):

“Sex crime” is a term that identifies a multitude of possible offenses toward an individual or community that either directly or indirectly relates to sex. A few of the most common sex crimes include child molestation, exhibitionism, incest, rape, and voyeurism. There are many manifestations of each of these crimes. For example, rape is often categorized in one of two ways: acquaintance rape and stranger rape…. However, it should be noted that sex crimes are not the same as sexual disorders.

Those who commit sex crimes are accurately referred to as sex offenders. However, not all sex offenders are alike. They are varied, each with their own constellation of behaviors, motives, and capabilities existing on a broad continuum of intensity and severity.

Unfortunately, there is a public and professional tendency to regard all of those who commit sex crimes as essentially the same. A perspective, which remains true to this day, was offered in East (1946, p. 529):

Sexual offenders are perhaps more liable to be misjudged by prejudice and ignorance than the majority of criminals. Bias is almost inevitable if their conduct is reviewed solely in the light of narrow personal experience and the tastes and distastes of the assessor. Many persons of both sexes are grossly ignorant on sexual matters in spite of the modern tendency to discuss the subject with a considerable amount of freedom. Some husbands, in effect, commit rape upon their wives because they do not understand the art of married life and do not realize that a woman is at a disadvantage unless a psychical approach precedes each physical contact. Such sexually unaesthetic men and women, manifestly incompetent to pass judgment upon the inter-relationships of the sexes, may be called upon as members of a jury to assess the guilt of a sexual offender.

Currently, the primary cause of this same general lack of accurate knowledge is the uncritical acceptance of film, television, and media accounts of crime—fiction and nonfiction alike. In particular, the author is continually amazed at the extent to which film and television are viewed as reliable sources of information, even among those who absolutely know better. This has resulted in uninformed education, uninformed legislation, uninformed investigative and adjudication efforts, and even uninformed ideas about treatment.

Supporting Research

In Hanson and Bussiere’s (1998) meta-analysis, sexual deviance emerged as an important predictor of recidivism for adults. In more recent meta-analyses of predictive factors that included JSOs (Hanson & Morton-Bourgon, 2004; McCann & Lussier, 2008) and reviews of sexual recidivism (e.g., Worling & Långström, 2006), sexualization, as indexed by previous sexual charges/convictions, deviant/paraphilic sexual interests, or sexual preoccupation, has been shown to have moderate predictive potency. The ability of this component to predict the persistence of sexually coercive behavior from adolescence into adulthood has, however, had only mixed support (e.g., Parks & Bard, 2006; Rubinstein, Yeager, Goodstein, & Lewis, 1993; Sample & Bray, 2003; Zimring, Jennings, Piquero, & Hays, 2009; Zimring, Piquero, & Jennings, 2007). For the simple prediction of sexual recidivism within adolescence, the risk instruments have not fared much better. The J-SOAP II has yielded inconsistent results (e.g., Prentky, 2006; Viljoen et al., 2008) and only obsessive sexual interests/preoccupation with sexual thoughts on the ERASOR has been found to correlate significantly with short-term sexual recidivism in a recent prospective study (Worling, Bookalam, & Litteljohn, 2012). In an exploratory analysis of potential risk factors, Knight, Ronis, and Zakireh (2009) found that the sexual scales of Sexual Preoccupation, Sexual Compulsivity, and Sexual Drive; Atypical Paraphilias, Exhibitionism, Voyeurism; scales measuring offense planning; and scales capturing various aspects of pornography use emerged as potential predictors. The variety of sexual behavior and fantasy assessed by these scales suggests multiple avenues of assessment that might ultimately increase the predictive potency of existing risk instruments, which have tended to be limited to sexual offending and deviant interests.

In addition to its role in predicting recidivism, the components of sexualization have consistently been found to differentiate JSOs and ASOs from control samples. A number of investigations have found that sexually coercive males have consensual sex at an earlier age and have more consensual sex partners than do non-coercive males (e.g., Abbey, McAuslan, Zawacki, Clinton, & Buck, 2001; Kjellgren, Priebe, Svedin, & Långström, 2010; Koss & Dinero, 1988; Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991). Consistent with Kjellgren et al. (2010), Ronis and Knight (2013) found that sexual drive and preoccupation discriminated sexually coercive males from non-coercives in both community and general criminal samples. Regardless of criminal status or age (juvenile or adult), sexually coercive males reported higher levels of sexual drive, frequency of sexual behavior, and sexual deviance. Both ASOs and JSOs have been found to report more sexual compulsivity, more sexual preoccupation, and a higher sex drive than community control males on the Multidimensional Inventory of Development, Sex, and Aggression (the MIDSA), a contingency-based, computerized inventory created to assess multiple components of sexually aggressive behavior (see MIDSA, 2011).

As would be expected, individuals high on sexualization have been found to have a higher number of sex partners (Kalichman & Rompa, 1995, 2001), to have an increased risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases (Kalichman & Cain, 2004; Parsons, Kelly, & Bimbi, 2008), and to be high in sexual risk taking, including a greater propensity to engage in unprotected sex (Dodge et al., 2008; Janssen, Goodrich, Petrocelli, & Bancroft, 2009; Kalichman & Cain, 2004). High sexualization covaries with compulsive masturbation, number of affairs, frequency of both prostitution itself and sex with prostitutes, pornography use, cybersex, voyeurism, exhibitionism, and sexual harassment (Carnes & Wilson, 2002). These components of sexual fantasies and behavior appear to be at least as important in juvenile samples as in adult samples (Knight, 2004). In clinical samples of individuals with paraphilic and hypersexual disorders, the onset of unconventional or intensive sexual arousal has been found to occur in adolescence (e.g., Abel, Becker, Cunningham-Rathner, Mittelman, and Rouleau, 1988; Kafka, 1997). Hypersexuality is also related to variables beyond pure sexuality. It has been found to correlate with factors measuring expressive aggression toward women, pervasive anger, sadism, and offense planning for both adults who sexually offend (ASOs) and JSOs (Knight & Cerce, 1999). Moreover, individuals high in sexualization are also at increased risk for substance abuse and impulse-related problems, as well as being more vulnerable to negative affect disorder, such as mood and anxiety disorders (e.g., Långström & Hansen, 2006).

It is not clear what aspects of sexual behavior constitute the core of the construct underlying these predictive sexual variables. Analyses indicate that all of these “sexualization” scales are highly correlated in both adult and juvenile samples (Knight, 1999; Knight & Cerce, 1999). Kafka (1997, 2003) has hypothesized that hypersexuality, which he defined as excessive sexual drive and preoccupation or sexual appetitive behavior, constitutes the core, underlying construct of other types of dyscontrolled sexual behavior, including the paraphilias and sexual coercion. Consistent with this hypothesis, Ronis and Knight (2013) found that sexual behavior and fantasies were important discriminators between sexually coercive and non-coercive males. Moreover, Knight and Sims-Knight (2003, 2004) found that hypersexuality predicted sexually coercive behavior against women and age appropriate females in both adult and juvenile samples, both criminal and non-criminal. Regardless of the potential underlying processes, extant data suggest that a more differentiated and extensive evaluation of the components of sexualization might be useful both to improve the predictive validity of risk instruments and for identifying those with a higher probability to continue their sexually coercive behavior into adulthood.

Noncontact Sexual Assault

Noncontact sexual assault is any sexual crime in which the perpetrator does not physically touch the victim. These crimes consist of anything from looking at child pornography to peeping on someone changing through a window. The commission of these acts is for the sexual gratification of the perpetrator.

As mentioned previously, fetishes with non-consenting individuals can become sexual offenses. A non-contact sexual assault fetish includes crimes such as the theft of another’s underwear. A specific example involved a young man who lived in an apartment building with public laundry facilities. When women in the building washed their clothing, he would sneak over, steal their underwear, and masturbate with the underwear.

Another non-contact sexual assault is exhibitionism. Exhibitionists are offenders who expose themselves to others, typically a stranger and usually in a public place. These offenses could involve anything from a “trench coat flasher” to a male wearing short shorts that allows for his penis to be partially exposed. In the case of the “trench coat flasher,” surprise on the victim’s face is not interpreted as disgust or shock at the act; instead, it is sometimes interpreted by the offender as surprise about the enormous size of his penis. These perpetrators tend to commit the largest number of offenses. It is not unusual for these sex offenders to report more than 500 past offenses. A woman in her 50s once confided that she had hired an interior house painter and returned home to find him painting her home in the nude. This is a clear, yet unusual, example of an exhibitionist.

Public masturbation is also considered a non-contact sexual offense. Just as one would imagine, these individuals masturbate in public places. A common modus operandi for these perpetrators is to masturbate in their cars where others can easily see them, such as at a park or a parking lot. These individuals are aroused by the possibility that others will see them masturbating. One sexual offender stated that he would drive around town in his pickup truck until he saw a woman or small group of women walking. He would see the women and begin masturbating. He would then open the truck door to expose himself masturbating to the victims. He said that most of the time this behavior resulted in a shocked expression and some choice comments from the women. He also claimed that sometimes a woman would come to the truck and perform oral sex on him once she saw him masturbate; however, the truthfulness of his claims is very suspect.

The next subcategory is voyeurism. These sex offenders are commonly referred to as “peeping Toms.” Voyeuristic offenses consist of a variety of offenses. Some of the most common include perpetrators looking through windows with the hope of seeing people in various states of undress; taking pictures of others in bathrooms; and viewing others in dressing rooms without their knowledge. A specific example involved a manager at a health club. He drilled holes into the women’s locker room so he could view women changing and showering. These offenders often escalate in risk level, as barely avoiding detection is part of their arousal.

Another set of non-contact sexual offenders are those responsible for sexual harassment. This can include sexually explicit phone callers and Internet communicators. These individuals will call or email strangers or people they know and make sexually inappropriate comments. A second type of sexual harasser makes sexual comments or gestures to another during face-to-face contact. This can occur in the workplace or any other public domain.

Child pornography is an additional non-contact sexual offense. This includes any picture or video depicting a child in a sexual manner. Child pornography has been difficult to define, as it can include fully clothed children positioned in provocative poses. Professionals often state, “I know it when I see it,” when asked to define what constitutes child pornography. However, a picture of a child in a bathing suit can be a sweet memory of a fun summer day for one person, and used by another for sexual gratification. It is illegal to produce, view, or sell sexual images of children. Child pornography has increased significantly since the introduction of the Internet, as it has become much easier to access and exchange these images. It is also a criminal offense to show a child pictures or videos of adult pornography. An offender who distributed and possessed volumes of child pornography stated that his distribution crime was not egregious because he never touched a child. He failed to recognize or admit that a child at some point was assaulted for the pornography, and his purchases propagated this sexual abuse.

Monoamine Oxidase

MAO is one of the enzymes that metabolize monoamine neurotransmitters. There are two forms of this compound; MAOA primarily oxidizes 5-HT, NE, and epinephrine, while MAOB primarily oxidizes phenylethylamine and benzylamine. DA, tyramine, and tryptamine are oxidized by both forms. Human blood platelets express MAOB primarily.

Recently, a mutation in gene coding resulting in deficient MAOA activity has been associated with borderline mental retardation and aggressive/impulsive behavior (verbal threats, aggressive posturing, exhibitionism, attempted rape, arson) in several males of a large Dutch kindred. This MAOA deficiency was associated with decreased urinary 5-HIAA, HVA, and VMA. This finding compares well to a report of a similar MAOA deficiency in a line of transgenic mice associated with increased aggression in males and high levels of brain 5-HT, NE, and DA. These findings suggest a different neurochemical mechanism leading to aggressive/violent behavior than commonly put forward (i.e., that low 5-HT is associated with aggressive/impulsive behavior). It has been hypothesized that a prenatal MAOA deficiency resulting in increased brain 5-HT in early development may alter receptor densities and/or serotonergic innervation, possibly resulting in an overall reduction in serotonergic functioning. Additionally, a polymorphism in the MAOA gene which codes for the MAOA enzyme has been linked to aggression in two studies, with an additional three not supporting this association. Further, individuals with a functional polymorphism in the gene encoding MAOA which conferred higher levels of MAOA expression and who were maltreated as children were less likely to develop all four antisocial behaviors measured. A recent magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) study in healthy volunteers found that the low expression MAOA gene variant was associated with increased risk of violent behavior, predicted pronounced limbic volume reductions, and hyperresponsive amygdale during emotional arousal, with diminished reactivity of regulatory prefrontal regions, compared with the high expression allele.

Platelet MAO (primarily MAOB) has been measured as a marker of the functional capacity of the serotonergic system, despite the lack of a correlation between platelet and brain MAO activities. CSF 5-HIAA and platelet MAO are positively correlated in healthy volunteers and pain patients, however, suggesting some basis for interpretation. Studies suggest that violent offenders may have lower platelet MAOB activity compared to nonviolent offenders, although some studies suggest no differences. Lower platelet MAO is also associated with psychopathy (a personality concept that may include individuals who are aggressive). Furthermore, platelet MAO is also inversely correlated with general aggressiveness and feelings of anger or frustration, as well as behavioral patterns associated with violent or nonviolent criminal behavior, including defiance of punishment, impulsivity, childhood hyperactivity, poor academic performance, sensation-seeking, recreation drug use, alcohol abuse, and extraversion. Some personality traits and behavioral dispositions commonly associated with aggressive and violent behavior (e.g., disinhibition, impulsivity, externalizing behaviors, and sensation-seeking) have been inversely associated with platelet MAO levels in studies with normal volunteers. A recent study found that low platelet MAO activity and high tri-iodothyronine (T3) levels were found significantly more frequently than expected in violent offenders with an early behavioral risk pattern, defined as early criminal behavior, attention difficulties, and aggressive behavior. (Elevated thyroid hormones (i.e., T3) have been found to decrease the sympathetic activity and low sympathetic activity has been demonstrated in criminal groups.)

Clinical studies measuring MAO in children reveal somewhat contradictory findings, with lower platelet MAO in youth with dual diagnoses of CD and attention-deficit disorder compared to those with CD alone, but higher platelet MAO activity in conduct-disordered sons of substance-abusing fathers relative to non-conduct-disordered sons of substance-abusing fathers and conduct-disordered sons of nonsubstance-abusing fathers. Also, impulsivity in children with DBDs is positively correlated with platelet MAO activity. These discrepancies may be explained by developmental changes that might occur in MAO functioning. In sum, although evidence suggests lower MAO activity is associated with aggression/violence, contradictory evidence exists, and further clarification is needed, particularly concerning the functional significance of low MAO activity.

Quality of Media Content

The media practitioners frequently argue that they show and publish what the audience wants, which is determined democratically by conducting polls, and that the criticism of the media for low-quality programs is elitist. This argument is rebutted by the claim that the media respond only to the immediate interests of the public, and what goes beyond these interests is inevitably disregarded. Also, this way of determining interests has a tendency to confine them to the lowest tastes. The pursuit of higher ratings leads to trivialization and sensationalism of journalism (‘yellow journalism’) and entertainment. The proliferation of tabloid journalism is the result of a conviction that the media only reflect the public's tastes; interests in sensational and bizarre aspects of our culture is natural, and no harm results from satisfying them. However, it is claimed that the constant exposure to tabloid journalism diverts public attention from important social and political problems, and gives credibility to sensational aspects of human existence. Tabloid journalism has become mainstream because sensationalism is one of the most important elements shaping the news, particularly in television, which, by definition, gives rise to distortion. Visual media call attention to conflict, magnitude, the unusual, the sensational, and the spectacular. Television relies on brevity and swift transitions. Visual events (fires, crashes) gain prominent coverage on television; an explanation of a tax reform receives only a short sound bite. The public will eventually come to think that the sensational aspects are the norm.

The reliance on sensationalism is apparent in entertainment. For example, talk shows live on the voyeurism of the public and exhibitionism of the guests. The primary goal of exposing the unusual behavior or appearance of talk show guests is to entertain the public, not to help the guests. The shows break taboos, exhibit deviant behavior, and make it appear ordinary. They blur the line between private life and the public domain by moving the former into the latter with the help of willing participants who may not be entirely aware of, or simply do not care about this shift. These shows also feed on the viewers' willingness to watch others publicly reveal the most private matters even if these viewers would never make such revelations public.

Stressing the sensational manifests itself in the saturation of entertainment with violence and erotic content. Many media critics express a concern that watching violence stimulates violent behavior generally, and copying the watched behavior in particular, people who watch violence regularly become desensitized to its horror and may even develop a positive attitude to it. However, it is possible that pictures of violence increase the level of revulsion concerning its consequence, that it inhibits aggressive behavior, that is, it has a cathartic effect – Aristotle claimed that a tragedy with its depiction of ‘serious actions’ has a cathartic effect (Poetics vi).

The effect on children of watching television is probably the most researched subject today in media influence on people. Results of many research studies indicate that television, especially the depiction of violence, has a profound effect on children's behavior. This is also true for computer games, which have become increasingly saturated with violence. Also, action movies engage viewers' emotions and reduce them to primal instincts, leaving out intellect (Sloterdijk, 1993). However, some say, even granted that it may be difficult to establish empirically the existence of a causal link between viewing and future behavior, many actions of the media are predicated on the existence of such a link. For example, if there were no influence of the media on the public, no organization would invest any money for advertising. Therefore, if noncriminal behavior can be influenced, it is difficult to assume that the media have no impact on criminal behavior. Moreover, constant repetition is both a tool of education for acquiring and holding information, and of propaganda for getting across a political message. It would be remarkable if constant viewing of violence in movies or games did not have a similar effect. The media often use rating systems to indicate the content of films and shows, but, some contend that this system is often used as an allurement rather than a warning, and the movie producers are tempted to include gratuitous violence, pornography, and profanity in their products to make them more appealing.

The media create popular culture, and in this culture they gravitate toward what is most exciting. Therefore, popularity seems to be a crucial factor in deciding the content of the media. But if popularity is a deciding factor, then there is no room for creativity and acceptance of new ideas. There is little room for real choices because the media become the subject of a form of Gresham's law which says that poor quality entertainment drives out high-quality entertainment, news, and educational programming (Fink, 1988).

The Predatory Kidnapping—Child Victim Investigation

Despite community-based prevention efforts by law enforcement and numerous laws enacted during the past several decades, nearly 60,000 children are abducted by nonfamily members each year.

As was true in the cases reviewed for this research, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) reports that the majority of children abducted by strangers or acquaintances are reunited with their families. The Office notes, however, the first few hours following the abduction of a child “are critical.”

Law enforcement personnel must immediately determine the type of case being reported, i.e., whether the child has been abducted, is lost, or is a runaway. The resources needed to investigate, including social service support, must also be determined. In the past several decades, many police departments, working in conjunction with the OJJDP and the NCMEC, have adopted operational procedures that help to guide the officer’s decision making. The OJJDP/NCMEC Model Policy suggests that the law enforcement officer who receives a missing child report respond as if the child is at risk, particularly if the report involves a child who is

Under 13 years of age

Believed to be out of the zone which is considered safe for his or her age, developmental stage, or physical condition

Mentally diminished

Drug dependent

A potential victim of foul play or sexual exploitation (as suggested by the abduction site)

In a life-threatening situation

Missing for more than 24 hours

Believed to be with others who could endanger his or her welfare

Is absent under circumstances inconsistent with established patterns of behavior.

After the law enforcement officer takes the missing child report, the National Child Search Assistance Act of 1990 mandates that descriptive information about the child be entered into the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s National Crime Information Center (NCIC) Missing Persons File. Thereafter, the law enforcement can

Issue alerts and bulletins, including a Be On the Lookout (BOLO) alert to other law enforcement agencies.

Activate the America’s Missing: Broadcasting Emergency Response (AMBER Alert), through which details of the abduction are disseminated to media and transportation agencies that, in turn, issue bulletins about the child’s disappearance. AMBER Alerts are typically used when it appears an abduction involves a child who is 17 or younger who is feared to be in imminent danger of serious bodily harm or death. For an AMBER Alert to be issued, there must also be enough information to believe that the broadcast will be helpful.

Administer polygraph tests to rule out immediate family members.

Establish a command post to coordinate searches, interviews, and potential media communication.

Given the proliferation of online predators and the increasing number of children who are exposed to offenders online, law enforcement should also consider removing the child’s or family’s computer for potential evidence. The computer should be turned off and evaluated by an individual skilled in doing so to ensure that any evidence is preserved.

Additionally, law enforcement confronted with the potential predatory kidnapping of the child can access the Sex Offender Registration list.

With the passage of the Jacob Wetterling Crimes Against Children and Sexually Violent Offender Registration Program in 1994, each state is required to establish a sex offender registration and community notification program or lose a percentage of federal law enforcement funds. The registration lists, which are now widely accessible on the Internet, typically include the convicted sex offender’s current address, telephone number, Social Security number, and employment information. In 2006, Congress took steps to improve offender registration compliance via the passage of the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act. Through this act, the NCMEC and the U.S. Marshals Service join to apprehend noncompliant offenders.

Sex offender registration laws are designed to meet two purposes: to deter sex offenders from recidivism and to assist law enforcement in investigating known sex offenders in an area where a sex crime is committed. Current research shows little evidence that the registration lists are effective in either regard. A study of the Washington State notification law, the oldest such law in the nation, concluded that there is no significant difference in the recidivism rate for registered and non-registered offenders. Additional research has also led to the conclusion that the lists do not facilitate law enforcement in their investigations.

Despite prevailing research, law enforcement personnel report that they believe registration lists assist in crime investigation. Additionally, there are anecdotal accounts of the successful use of registration lists in preventing re-offense and facilitating apprehension of recidivists.

Given the sexual motivation that underlies the predatory kidnapping of a child, the Sex Offender Registry is an appropriate investigatory tool.

In addition to identifying information, the offender registry typically includes information on the offense for which the offender was convicted, such as lewd and lascivious behavior with a child, forcible rape, and indecent exposure.

These distinctions may not be as relevant as once believed. In the past, it was generally accepted that offenders tend to group by victim selection, i.e., that offenders who violate children only violate children; those who violate strangers do not violate acquaintances or family members; those who offend in noncontact ways, such as “peeping” or exhibitionism, do not perpetrate acts involving physical contact. More recent analysis reveals that sex offenders frequently exhibit more than one category of sexually deviant behavior. The exception is the offender diagnosed with the Pedophilia-Exclusive Type. As with all pedophiles, these individuals exhibit a minimum 6-month history of intensely sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children who are generally age 13 or younger. By clinical definition, these individuals are atleast 16 years of age and at least 5 years older than their victims. The Pedophile-Exclusive Type focuses solely on children to derive sexual satisfaction. The majority of pedophiles, however, are nonexclusive and also engage in age-appropriate sexual relationships.

The likelihood that sex offenders who recidivate defy single offense categories supports the allocation of resources to interview all offenders within a given area, regardless of the controlling offense for which the offender is registered.

An additional factor that has been linked to an offender’s likelihood to recidivate is an antisocial lifestyle. From a clinical perspective, antisocial traits include a failure to conform to social norms with respect to lawful behaviors, deceitfulness, impulsivity or failure to plan ahead, irritability and aggressiveness, reckless disregard for the safety of self or others, consistent irresponsibility, and lack of remorse. These traits may manifest as an inability to sustain relationships or employment, or belligerence in interactions with the offender’s parole agent or other law enforcement official.

In this author’s experience, paroled sex offenders fall into three broad categories:

Those who committed their offense while under the influence of drugs and alcohol, have no prior or only substance-related prior offenses, and typically commit statutory or partner rape.

Those who are convicted under aggressive sex offender prosecutions. These individuals, while representing a very small minority of offenders, typically commit noncontact crimes, have no prior offense history, and are convicted under ambiguous circumstances. (One offender with whom the author worked, for example, was convicted of exhibitionism after an adult female witnessed his urinating behind a tree in a public park after dark.)

Those who exhibit the antisocial traits that place them at higher recidivism risk.

The last category is, in the author’s experience, by far the most prevalent. These offenders commit crimes against children, adults, or both and have prior offense histories that may include sexual offenses and typically include nonsex offenses. They tend to rationalize or deny their crimes. In part this is a habituated response. Sex offenders are at higher risk of prison violence and, as a result, spend their incarcerated time denying their offense; by the time of release (which averages 6 years following conviction in state court and 8 years when convicted in federal court), they believe their own lies. These offenders frequently take no personal responsibility for any significant aspect of their lives. They claim that their convictions are the products of an unjust judicial system or an incompetent defense attorney or a political conspiracy. They see themselves as the victims, particularly when subject to parole conditions that limit their freedom (such as those that prohibit drinking alcohol or Internet use) and state regulations that limit the locations in which they can live.

A number of the child molesters with whom the author has worked blamed a “sexually repressed” American society for their crimes, claiming that sex with minors was an acceptable practice in other cultures and should be so in the United States. Some cited biblical references to justify their sexual assaults. A significant number also blamed the child victim; it is not uncommon to hear claims that the child “seduced” or somehow invited the offender’s advances.

In short, a significant number of sex offenders express justification for their actions and may not be diligent in concealing their activities to the interrogator who appears sympathetic to their deviance.

While a potential aid to the investigator, the offender’s proclivity for blaming his victim collides with the child’s own tendency to blame herself for the trauma inflicted upon her and is, therefore, also a factor that the investigator should consider when interviewing the child victim.

The initial meeting between the child and her family plays a significant role in the child’s recovery and in her ability to report the circumstances of her abduction. Investigators should arrange for an initial meeting that is limited to the child, her immediate family, and the lead investigator.

Following the initial reunification, the investigator must proceed with the delicate task of interviewing the child victim. As the testimony of victims contributed to the apprehension and conviction of abductors in 57 percent of the cases reviewed, the ability to successfully interview children has particular relevance to the child predatory kidnapping.

The investigator must be prepared for the potential spectrum of the child’s post-trauma reactions, which can range from being highly emotive to being nonresponsive or “numb.” Investigators should also recognize that children can be vulnerable to cognitive distortions about the events that occurred and be highly susceptible to suggestibility, i.e., the tendency to incorporate outside influences or others’ biases into their accounts. Each of these challenges can be mitigated by the investigator’s knowledge of and sensitivity to the child’s developmental stage.

Younger children, for example, are more vulnerable to suggestion than adolescents and adults. Young children’s memory processing (encoding, storage, and retrieval) is not as advanced as adults. They are more likely to make source attributions and have a greater tendency to blame themselves for the trauma they experience. They are more likely to provide the “right answer” (i.e., the answer they perceive their interviewer wants to hear) upon repeated questioning.

Both young children and adolescents differ from adults in their judgment. Youth are more likely to provide answers that they believe offer short-term gain—such as stopping a painful interview. Additionally, and as is true for adults, fatigue and sleep deprivation (a common occurrence following involvement in a traumatic episode) can increase the likelihood of suggestibility during the interview process.

The skilled interviewer will consider these factors when interviewing the child victim of the predatory kidnapper. “Despite frequent claims that children are uniquely susceptible to external influence, it is clear that when children are encouraged to describe their experience without manipulation by interviewers, their accounts can be extremely informative and accurate,” concluded a group of 22 international scholars who convened in Sweden in 1993 to evaluate child testimony. The group also made the following recommendations for the interviewer:

Interviews should be conducted as soon after the event as possible.

Multiple interviews should be discouraged, since frequent questioning by different interviewers can distort memory and lead to confusion.

Leading questions should be avoided.

With older children, open-ended questions (e.g., “Tell me everything you remember about what happened”) designed to elicit free narrative accounts should be used.

With children younger than 6, direct questions using developmentally appropriate vocabulary can be used.

Researchers Ceci and Bruck add that the following acts by interviewers can adversely impact the credibility of the child’s testimony:

Neglecting to ask questions that might provide alternate explanations than what the interviewer believes occurred.

Neglecting to inquire about events that are consistent with the investigator’s hypothesis.

Neglecting to challenge the authenticity of the report when it confirms the investigator’s hypothesis.

Ignoring inconsistent and bizarre evidence.

The international group also found that anatomical dolls can be useful early in the interviewing process to understand the child’s labels for various body parts and to help with the reenactment of events that are beyond the child’s vocabulary. Consistent with developmental stages, younger children do appear to use the dolls for language substitution, while children age 12 and over tend to use dolls for memory retrieval. Several studies have cautioned, however, that the use of dolls can produce information that is more fantasy or fear based than reality based. This is especially true of the young children, whose concrete thinking and inability to abstract may prevent them from seeing the doll as a self-representation, rather than as a separate object. Overall, anatomical dolls should be used with extreme caution.

A final recommendation made by the international group has been consistently endorsed: All interviews with children should be videotaped.

Videotaping preempts the need for multiple interviews and interviews by different individuals involved in the investigation, each of which tax-limited resources, create unnecessary stress for the child, and expose interviewers to accusations of coaching or leading. In some jurisdictions and under certain circumstances, the use of videotape may be an acceptable substitute for the child testifying in the intimidating atmosphere of the courtroom. (It should be noted that many courts require children to testify in person to protect the accused kidnappers’ Sixth Amendment right to confront witnesses.)

In relation to suspect identification, children as young as 5 years have been found to be as accurate as adults in making correct identifications from lineups and “six packs” when the offender is present. However, they do not perform as well as adults when the offender is absent. Cautioning the child that the offender (or his picture) may or may not be present has been shown to increase identification accuracy.

In the emotionally charged period following the recovery of child kidnapping victims, it is not unusual for parents to turn to law enforcement when the slow pace of the justice system seems to interfere with the child’s emotional healing process. While every child responds differently to a traumatic event, children generally have a more difficult time “turning off” memories of these events, particularly in the immediate aftermath. The trial, which typically occurs months after the incident, can reactivate memories at a time when they no longer dominate the youth’s consciousness. In cases in which the child is required to testify, law enforcement should consider the use of “court schools,” which can help minimize the risk of re-traumatization. Allowing the child to become familiar with the courtroom prior to the trial, clearly explaining what the child can expect in language she can understand, listening to and answering any questions she may have, and allowing a trusted adult to remain in the courtroom during trial can support the child to be a more credible witness, as well as provide her with a much needed sense of control. For some children, the trial experience can actually help restore their sense of power.

Other child victims may exhibit intense anxiety, depression, and/or anger. Depending on the child’s age, the last may manifest in play with other children, in which the child emulates the aggressor and may “bully” playmates. This is of particular concern with male victims; there is some evidence that males who are sexually exploited as children are more likely to become abusers as adults.

The trauma of the child predatory kidnapping is also frequently felt throughout the community and can have a “contagion” effect upon a community’s youth, causing an increase in acting-out behaviors, including delinquency.

The investigator involved in the child predatory kidnapping investigation should consider engaging mental health professionals, facilitating the establishment of peer support groups, and involving trained professionals, such as those affiliated with the NCMEC, to ensure that the child predatory kidnapper does not continue to trail victims in his wake.

The McMartin Preschool Trial

In April 1983, 28-year-old Ray Buckley, his mother Peggy, his sister Peggy Ann, his grandmother Virginia, and three female teachers (each of whom was over 50 years of age) were imprisoned on charges stemming from 360 alleged cases of sexual abuse against the children of their Manhattan Beach, California, preschool. The McMartin Preschool trial became one of the longest court cases—and one of the greatest travesties of justice—in modern history. Passion, politics, and fear overruled evidence. Children were all but coerced into accusing the McMartin staff of abusing them. To prepare for trial, the Los Angeles District Attorney’s Office involved an unlicensed social worker from the Children’s Institute International at the University of California Los Angeles. By trial’s end, it would become apparent that the social worker’s interview strategies—which included suggesting abuse narratives to the children instead of allowing spontaneous disclosure; repeatedly asking the same question until receiving a desired response; using anatomically explicit dolls to determine that sexual assault had, in fact, occurred; and informing children who denied victimization that their friends said they were lying—resulted in predictably fabricated incidents. The resulting accounts were at times improbable (that Ray took the children to a ranch and a hotel) and at times bizarre (that Ray chopped off a baby’s head and forced a child to drink the blood). Despite consistent judicial rulings that placed the defendants at extreme disadvantage, the jury of six ultimately acquitted all defendants save Ray Buckley, on whose charges they hung. He was subsequently acquitted during a second trial.

Promoting Community-Based Internet Safety

The National Center for Missing and Exploited Children estimates that one in five children aged 10–17 receive a sexual solicitation over the Internet during a 1-year period. Increasingly, child sexual predators utilize the Internet to connect with potential victims. Law enforcement personnel and security professionals can offer parents and guardians sample contracts, such as the following, to support the prevention of predatory kidnappings.

2.3 Exhibitionism

Exhibitionism is something of an oddity in the paraphilias as they describe sexual offenses. Perhaps because exhibitionism is a high frequency behavior (Rooth, 1973), and because by far the majority offend against many victims (Abel et al., 1987), most clinicians do not hesitate to apply the diagnosis to all (or almost all) of these offenders. Now that DSM-IV-TR has added “recurrent behaviors” to the diagnostic criteria for exhibitionism, the diagnostic manual has come into line with long-established clinical practice. This match between the clinical practice of diagnosticians and DSM criteria for exhibitionism should signal the authors of the next edition of DSM to reconsider their approach to the other sexual offenses. Once again, however, giving or not giving a diagnosis to these offenders makes little difference to treatment or risk estimates. In fact, if all exhibitionists meet diagnostic criteria, as practice seems to suggest, there can be little utility in bothering to diagnose these offenders.

Abstract

An overview and demographic description of each of the current DSM-IV-TR paraphilias (i.e., Pedophilia, Transvestic Fetishism, Exhibitionism, Fetishism, Voyeurism, Sexual Masochism, Frotteurism, Paraphilia Not Otherwise Specified) are provided. Most of these are medical descriptions of sexual offenses. Discussion is provided regarding a paraphilic description of rape (i.e., Paraphilic Coercive Disorder) that may appear in DSM-5. The effectiveness of current treatments (behavioral, cognitive–behavioral therapy, chemical/physical castration; and the use of selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors) for each of these paraphilias is examined. It was found that there are too few well-designed studies to provide support for evidence-based practice with any of the paraphilias, based on Chambless and Hollon (1998) criteria (i.e., evidence should be based on: two + well conducted studies/two + independent researchers, three + small experiments reporting data from at least nine participants). It is suggested that more high quality research studies need to be conducted into the treatment of paraphilias. This work is contrasted with the growing body of evidence for the effectiveness of sex offender treatment for child molesters and exhibitionists (typically without a paraphilic diagnosis); current evidence is equivocal regarding the efficacy of treatment for rapists.