Terms in this set (14)
"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada,
the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'"
Fred Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005
Which of the following best explains a result of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) ?
"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most
Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'"
Fred
Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005
Britain's victory in the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following economic consequences for its American colonies?
"Today, two hundred and fifty years after the French and Indian War, most Americans are no more familiar with its events and significance than they are with those of the Peloponnesian War. Few know that George Washington struck
the first spark of a war that set the British North American frontier ablaze from the Carolinas to Nova Scotia, then spread to Europe, Canada, the Caribbean, West Africa, India, and, finally, the Philippines. Historians call this immense conflict the Seven Years' War; . . . Winston Churchill described it as 'the first world war.'"
Fred Anderson, The War That Made America: A Short History of the French and Indian War, 2005
The conclusion of the Seven Years' War (French and Indian War) had which of the following effects on Native American societies?
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . :
". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by
[representatives].
". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . .
"The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by
repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional."
James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, pamphlet, 1764
In the excerpt, Otis was responding to which of the following developments?
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act
of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . :
". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in person, or by [representatives].
". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as
British subjects. . . .
"The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . . afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional."
James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and
Proved, pamphlet, 1764
Which of the following was a major purpose of Otis' pamphlet?
"Every British Subject born on the continent of America . . . is by the law of God and nature, by the common law, and by act of parliament, . . . entitled to all the natural, essential, inherent and inseparable rights of our fellow subjects in Great-Britain. Among those rights are the following . . . :
". . . Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their
consent in person, or by [representatives].
". . . I can see no reason to doubt, but that the imposition of taxes, whether on trade, or on land, or houses, or ships, . . . in the colonies is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights of the Colonists, as British subjects. . . .
"The power of parliament is uncontrollable, . . . and we must obey. . . . Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please on us, we must, it is our duty to submit and patiently bear them till they . . .
afford us relief by repealing such acts, as through mistake, or other human infirmities, have been suffered to pass, if they can be convinced that their proceedings are not constitutional."
James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, pamphlet, 1764
By the 1770s, to which of the following groups would Otis' argument that the colonies "must obey" Parliament most appeal?
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of
agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from
all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]."
John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787
Dickinson's concern for the "mischiefs" in the states is best understood in the context of which of the following?
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets,
and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]."
John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787
The principle of federalism embodied in the United States Constitution had most in common with which of the following earlier aspects of British colonial government?
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would
be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs
[troubles]."
John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787
The framers of the United States Constitution initially responded to abuses of executive authority by the British monarch in which of the following ways?
"The preservation of the states in a certain degree of agency is indispensable. It will produce that collision between the different authorities which
should be wished for in order to check each other. To attempt to abolish the states altogether, would degrade the councils of our country, would be impracticable, would be ruinous. [John Dickinson] compared the proposed national system to the solar system, in which the states were the planets, and ought to be left to move freely in their proper orbits. . . . If the state governments were excluded from all agency in the national one, and all power drawn from the people at large, the consequence
would be, that the national government would move in the same direction as the state governments now do, and would run into all the same mischiefs [troubles]."
John Dickinson, delegate from Delaware, summary of a speech at the Constitutional Convention from the notes of James Madison, 1787
Dickinson's desire to preserve "a certain degree of agency" for states is best explained by which of the following developments in the early United States?
"I have
already intimated [warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . .
"The great rule of conduct for
us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
"Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by
policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing."
George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796
Washington most likely wrote about political parties for which of the following purposes?
"I have already intimated
[warned] to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . .
"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to
foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
"Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity,
and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing."
George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796
Which of the following best explains why Washington warned against foreign alliances?
"I have already intimated [warned] to you the
danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . .
"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in
extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
"Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing."
George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796
Supporters of Washington's comments would most likely have agreed with which of the following foreign policies?
"I have already intimated [warned] to you
the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. . . . The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension . . . is itself a frightful despotism. . . .
"The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is
in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. . . . Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
"Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But
even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing."
George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796
George Washington's suggestions about United States foreign relations reflect which of the following situations?
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